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Winter 2007, vol 5 no 4
 
 

NEW RISING HAIKU
The Evolution of Modern Japanese Haiku and the Haiku Persecution Incident
by Itô Yûki, Ph.D. (cand.), Kumamoto University, Graduate School of Cultural and Social Sciences


 

NEW RISING HAIKU

The Evolution of Modern Japanese Haiku and the Haiku Persecution Incident

Itô Yûki, Ph.D. (cand.), Kumamoto University, Graduate School of Cultural and Social Sciences

 

Monograph: Red Moon Press, May 2007

ISBN 978-1-893959-64-4

 

 

ABSTRACT

The following discussion focuses on the evolution of the “New Rising Haiku” movement (shinkô haiku undô), examining events as they unfolded throughout the extensive wartime period, an era of recent history important to an understanding of the evolution of the “modern haiku movement,” that is, gendai haiku in Japan. In his 1985 book, My Postwar Haiku History, the acclaimed leader of the postwar haiku movement Kaneko Tohta (1919–) wrote, “When discussing the history of postwar haiku, many scholars tend to begin their discussion from the end of World War II. However, this perspective represents a rather stereotypical viewpoint. It is preferable that a discussion of postwar haiku history start from the midst of the war, or from the beginning of the ‘Fifteen Years War [1931-45].’” A discussion of the situation of haiku during Japan’s extended wartime era is of great historical significance, even if comparatively few are now aware of this history. In fact, the wartime era was a dark age for haiku; nonetheless it was through the ensuing persecutions and bitterness that gendai haiku evolved—an evolution which continues today. Please note that the two predominant schools or ‘approaches’ to contemporary Japanese haiku are: 1) gendai haiku (literally: “modern haiku”), and 2) traditional (dentô) haiku, a stylism signally represented by the Hototogisu circle and its journal of the same name. To avoid confusion, the term “modern haiku” (in English) will indicate contemporary (1920s-on) haiku in general, while “gendai haiku” refers to the progressive movement, its ideas and activities. This essay also contains an added Addendum section: “Historical Revisionism (Negationism) and the Image of Takahama Kyoshi,” which details contemporary negationism concerning Kyoshi’s involvement in wartime persecution and his alliances with the Japanese Imperial‑fascist government, throughout the wartime era.

 

 

 

NEW RISING HAIKU

 

At 5:00 a.m. February 14th 1940, in Kobe city, in snowy weather, a plainclothes officer accompanied by two uniformed officers arrived at the home of Hirahata Seitô (1905-1997), a haiku poet and psychiatrist. The officers knocked hard, waking up the family. Dr. Hirahata was asked to come voluntarily to a Kyoto police office for questioning, concerning the haiku magazine Kyôdai Haiku (Kyoto University Haiku). The officer was a member of the Japanese Secret Police (tokubetsu kôtô keisatsu, or Tokkô), the Thought Police of the Imperial fascistic order of Japan; comparable to the Nazi Gestapo. With great trepidation, Dr. Hirahata pretended calm, moving toward the telephone. “Wait, just a second. I have to call my place of work, my hospital” he said, at which point the Secret Police officer informed him, “It is no use contacting your comrades, we have already arrested them all.” As Hirahata later reported, just at this moment his children innocently piped up, “Hi! Policeman have come to our house to play! Shall we play ‘police and thief’ with you?” not realizing the significance of the incident (Kosakai, 66‑7).

That February 14th was the first occurrence of wholesale arrests of the members of Kyôdai Haiku. Similar arrests of the magazine members occurred three additional times in 1940, from February to August. In total, sixteen haiku poets were arrested. This group included the notable poets Inoue Hakubunji (1904-1946?), Hashi Kageo (1910-1985), Nichi Eibô (1910-1993), Sugimura Seirinshi (1912‑1990), Mitani Akira (1911-1978), Watanabe Hakusen (1913-1969), Kishi Fûsanrô (1910-1982), and Saitô Sanki (1900-1962).

A year later, in February 1941, the Secret Police expanded their persecution to the members of the four “anti-establishment haiku” magazines in Tokyo: Haiku Seikatsu (Haiku Life) Hiroba (Field), Dojô (Above Earth), and Nippon Haiku (Japan Haiku). The victims of this persecution were thirteen poets, including Shimada Seihô (1882-1944), Higashi Kyôzô (also known as Akimoto Fujio) (1901-1977), Fujita Hatsumi (1905‑1984), Hashimoto Mudô (1903-1974), and Kuribayashi Issekiro (1894-1961).

Due to his treatment by the Secret Police while incarcerated, Shimada Seihô’s health deteriorated; he fell into a coma and later died. “Treatment” included various forms of torture, and the procuring of false written confessions, which included signed declarations such as; “I was an enemy of the government, but I now worship the Emperor,” and, “I was a Communist and planned revolution against the Emperor’s order,” etc. There were 22 separate clauses put into the false written confessions. Moreover, the haiku poets had to perform a “haiku anatomy” of their works—that is, they were forced to interpret and denigrate their works according to the will of the Secret Police. Prisoner-poets were also compelled to perform this “haiku anatomy,” on the works of their friends and fellow poets. Their magazines were also banned and burned. Today there is no extant copy of Kyôdai Haiku for February, 1940 but for a single journal serendipitously discovered among items left by a haiku poet who died during the war (Tajima, ii‑iii).

The collective series of arrests for the five haiku magazine-groups mentioned, from 1940 to 1941, is known the “Haiku Persecution Incident,” which unfortunately implies that there was only a single event. However, these persecutions continued throughout the war period—records show that 46 haiku poets (one woman and 45 men) were arrested. Two died due to inhumane treatment, and in the years 1940‑1945, over a dozen haiku magazines were obliterated.

As totalitarian governments in all times and places commonly persecute thinkers and artists, the activities related above might seem to fit a typical pattern. However, there is more to these incidents than mere persecution by the Secret Police. The targets of the repeated persecution were major haiku poets of the New Rising Haiku movement (shinkô haiku undô), who opposed the conservative haiku of the Hototogisu School and were attempting to write haiku with new subjects, utilizing terms and techniques which related to contemporary social life. To express such feelings, these poets frequently wrote haiku without kigo (season words), directly treated non-traditional subjects such as social inequality, and utilized modernist styles, including surrealistic techniques, etc.

One may wonder why not a single member of the largest and most influential haiku group, Hototogisu (or any traditional-haiku poet), was ever arrested. The answer is both shocking and embarrassing: Hototogisu was closely related to the Japanese Secret Police, and the Intelligence Bureau of Japan (jôhô kyoku). The conservative haiku poets persecuted the New Rising Haiku poets, utilizing the secret police. Furthermore, a number of notable traditional haiku poets were devoted to and actively promoted the fascist movement and the Japanese war effort.

Takahama Kyoshi (1874-1959), one of the two main disciples of Masaoka Shiki (1867-1902) and the leader of Hototogisu, became the President of the haiku branch of the Imperial‑fascist government culture‑control/propaganda group known as “The Japanese Literary Patriotic Organization (JLPO) (Nihon bungaku hôkoku kai),” which devoted itself to censorship and persecution, and other war crimes of various sorts. There are a few scholars who defend Kyoshi, suggesting that he was used by the fascist government, stating for instance that, “Kyoshi resisted the war via his attitude, in that he did not directly treat the war as a subject of his haiku in any way” (Asai, 146). This point of view will be discussed in some detail within the Addendum following this main text. It is an incontestable historical fact that as well as being President of the fascist JLPO Haiku Department, Kyoshi prominently served the causes of fascist cultural organizations and activities, and was deeply committed to the culture-control/ propaganda movement. At the time, the Director‑Trustee of the JLPO was Ono Bushi (1889-1943), who among his other professional titles was: kokumin jyôsô chosa iin, or: “The Agent of Investigation of the Minds of the Nation’s Citizens.”

An infamous statement published by Ono reads,

 

I will not allow haiku even from the most honorable person, from left-wing, or progressive, or anti‑war, groups to exist. If such people are found in the haiku world, we had better persecute them, and they should be punished. This is necessary (Kosakai, 169).

 

It was reported by one haiku poet who survived detention that he was commanded by the Secret Police (in the person of a Lieutenant Nakanishi) to “write haiku in the style of the Hototogisu journal” (Hirahata, 49; Kosakai, 79). According to the fascist-nationalist traditionalists, to write haiku without kigo (a traditional seasonal term), meant anti-tradition, and anti-tradition meant anti-Imperial order and thus high treason; therefore, all New Rising Haiku was to be annihilated. We are reminded of how the Nazis preserved so-called pure nationalist art, while persecuting the modern styles of so-called “degenerate art.”

Before discussing these incidents further and what lies behind them, I would like to give a brief overview of the history of haiku in the early 20th century. After Shiki’s death in 1902, haiku was divided into two main schools. Takahama Kyoshi insisted that haiku must be 17-on in a traditional 5-7-5 pattern (‑on are the phonemic sounds which are counted in Japanese haiku) with one traditional kigo, while by contrast, Kawahigashi Hekigotô (1873-1937) allowed free-rhythm and formal variation in haiku. Both schools continued to develop through the decades, however the style promoted by Kyoshi became more popular. He had inherited the Hototogisu journal from Shiki, who had revolutionized the genre, and this strong sense of lineage helped him succeed commercially. Kyoshi promoted haiku as a literature of kachôfûei (composition based upon the traditional sense of the beauty of nature). The Hototogisu School gathered together many haiku poets, fostered them, and became the strongest and most influential power within the haiku world.

The group known as the “Four S” haiku poets of Hototogisu are Takano Soju (1893-1976), Awano Seiho (1899-1992), Mizuhara Shûôshi (1892-1981) and Yamaguchi Seishi (1901‑1994). These four became leading figures in the haiku world of the 1920’s. The former two, Sojû and Seiho, penned excellent shasei (“sketch of life” haiku, a term coined by Shiki) and kachôfûei haiku, while the latter two, Shûôshi and Seishi, are most noted for their lyrical and romantic self-expression.

The new generation of haiku poets was growing in influence, yet Kyoshi as leader of Hototogisu had taken the stance of a tyrant from the beginning of his installment. In 1913, when he became the leader of the magazine, he published “The Commandment” (Kôsatsu) in Hototogisu. Within the text he declares, “Do understand and remember that Kyoshi is Hototogisu itself,” and, "Do oppose any new haiku style including the New Rising Haiku" (“Kôsatasu,” iv). Under his rule, there was literally no criticism of any kind allowed within Hototogisu, excepting for those critiques contained in the prose essays written by its leader. During this period, the “haiku world” meant Kyoshi’s world.

Due to a combination of Kyoshi’s authoritarianism and the promotion of fixed ideas in relation to haiku stylism, by the early 1930s Shûôshi and Seishi had departed the Hototogisu circle. In 1929, Shûôshi founded a new magazine, Ashibi (Andromeda flower), and in 1930, he published his first haiku book, Katsushika (so‑named after a downtown Tokyo location). At the time, it was an unwritten law that in order for a haiku poet to publish his first book, he or she needed to compile those haiku selected by Kyoshi, and had to beg Kyoshi to write an introduction. Shûôshi deliberately did not beg this introduction—an audacious action at the time. In the same year, Shûôshi published his own work of literary criticism, “The Reality of Nature and The Reality of Literature” (shizen no shin to bungei jô no shin) in his own magazine. In the essay, he states that that the objective shasei (Shiki’s “sketch of life”) conception alone is not a sufficient basis for the art of haiku, and that both creativity and wide‑ranging knowledge are necessary attributes for a haiku poet. Today, Shûôshi’s actions and statements may not seem all that remarkable; however, at the time these activities were considered not only innovative but were labeled “rebellion.” Ironically, the year of this haiku “rebellion” is the same as the beginning of the Fifteen Years War.1 In 1931, the Japanese Army invaded the northeast region of China, and the following year the puppet state of Manchuria was founded. The fascist‑Imperial movement progressed in parallel with the progress of the liberal movement of haiku. Kaneko Tohta comments on the haiku world and the sense of crisis during this period:

 

The beginning of the Fifteen Years War had nearly arrived. The period was a time of crisis for traditional ways of thinking, while for new, contemporary thought the period was a time of great possibility—accompanied also by great oppression. It was necessary for those grappling with novel modes of thought and art to articulate the feeling and zeitgeist of this era of crisis, to rebel against outdated concepts and thinking, in order to break through the realities of oppression and cultural stagnation, and for these artists to create new philosophies of their own. In such an atmosphere of crisis, the haiku world was filled with tensions between the old guard and new writers—it seemed that the conflict might even come to bloodshed. We can say that it was a time of great turbulence (haiku no honshitsu, 231).

 

The “rebellions” of Shûôshi and Seishi occurred during this year of crisis, mainly for the reasons indicated by Kaneko. The rebellions and the foundation of the new haiku magazine Ashibi were epoch‑making events. Influenced by this rebellion born from members who had been within Hototogisu itself, many new haiku magazines were consequently founded. In 1933, Kyôdai Haiku (Kyoto University Haiku) arrived, and in 1934 Hino Sojô’s (1901-1956) Kikan (Flag Ship) began. In 1938, Fujita Hatsumi (1905-1984) began publishing Hiroba (Field). As a result of this diversification, some magazines formerly allied to the Hototogisu School began to shift. Yoshioka Zenjidô’s (1889-1961) Amanogawa (Milky Way) and Shimada Seihô’s (1882-1944) Dojô (Above Earth) entered the new stream. As well, the haiku poets of Hekigoto’s free-verse school, including Kuribayashi Issekirô (1894-1961), joined the stream with his magazine Haiku Seikatsu (Haiku Life). Due to the mutuality and simpatico of the free-rhythm (jiyûritsu) school, the burgeoning movement was much enlivened. Taken as a whole, the new poetic styles represented by these magazines came to be known as the New Rising Haiku (shinkô haiku), one of the most significant origins of gendai haiku.

The vanguard of New Rising Haiku was the group and journal of Kyôdai Haiku. Young Kyoto University graduates had founded the magazine, but it soon became filled with the works of progressive haiku poets throughout Japan. Seishi encouraged the movement—its aim was to “overthrow the conservative haiku as season‑hobby literature, and to create gendai haiku as season‑feeling literature in the spirit of Bashô, and as true poetry” (Komuro, 48). Here is the Kyôdai Haiku declaration found in the first volume of the magazine, January 1933:

 

Now we present Kyôdai Haiku to the haiku world, which is the stream that pours through our hot youthful blood with the inheritance of the great poets of the past. Truly, when a person travels through the country of haikai [haiku], he cannot be indifferent to this pure stream. Some would avoid these waters, while others would quench their thirst with only a drop, as though with the sweet dew of a haikai ascetic journey. We make this clear avowal: our single wish is that this stream might irrigate the country of haikai forever (Tajima, 24-5).

 

The majority of these original poets were in their twenties or thirties; the New Rising Haiku movement was full of youthful energy. Their aims were modernism (composition pertaining to a sense of modern life), humanism (the betterment of humanity), realism (honestly facing social concerns), and liberalism (emphasizing the right to free expression). They often wrote haiku without kigo, and also wrote in free-rhythm/free-form styles. Moreover, they adopted an important social attitude, in managing their group without resorting to the traditional, feudalistic, master-disciple system. In their group all members were considered equal and free to engage in discussion and dissent. The magazine was also open to criticism from outside the group.

Such an attitude was quite liberal and innovative, particularly in that era. Japan was moving toward a fascistic order; nevertheless, the innovative magazine caused a sensation and sold well. The haiku below is a famous example from Kyôdai Haiku. While its aesthetic might be diminished in translation (losing the impact of free-rhythm, creative assonance, and cultural reference), the flavor of New Rising Haiku seems apparent:

 

水枕ガバリと寒い海がある                    西東 三鬼

mizumakura gabari to samui umi ga aru                                 Saitô Sanki

 

water cushion 

chomp !

it’s a chilly ocean

 

 

Later, this haiku became Sanki’s epitaph.

Although many masterpieces were written, Japan sank into a dark age. In 1937, the Japan-China war began, closely followed by the rapid escalation of a massive ‘information war.’ The Japanese Cabinet Intelligence Bureau (naikaku jôhô-bu) was enlarged, and this Bureau and the army came to completely control all newspapers and other media. And the “All National Sprit Mobilization Movement (kokumin seishin sôdôin undô)” also began. In 1938, the “All Nation Mobilization Law (kokka sôdôin hô)” was enforced. Due to this law, the government was able to control various social activities. The imperial fascistic government began spreading propaganda, issuing statements such as: “This war is a Holy War in the name of the Emperor the living-god.” Japan was full of propaganda glorifying the war as a Holy War. Any information concerning the real battlefield was either concealed or glorified. The Nanjing massacre for example never became a matter of public knowledge.

The war and the propaganda campaign stimulated Japanese nationalism, and this nationalistic fervor hastened the advent of Imperial fascism. Many artists, including a number of haiku poets, praised the war as a Holy War and created the genre of “The Holy War Arts.” In 1937, Kyoshi became a member of the Imperial Art Academy (teikoku geijutsu in) for “The Holy War Arts,” and began a special serial-feature segment on the war, in ‘his’ Hototogisu journal, and even Shûôshi created a similar segment in Ashibi. At the time, Shûôshi had become strongly nationalistic—a stance over which, unlike Kyoshi, he later expressed apology and regret. They both published Holy War haiku anthologies; Kyoshi published The Collected Japan-China-War Haiku (Shina-jihen kushû), and Shûôshi published The Holy War and Haiku (Seisen to haiku) and The Collected Holy War Haiku (Seisen haiku-shû). Kyoshi and Shûôshi also gave radio lectures on “The Holy War Haiku,” and these lectures were compiled as The Selected Holy War Haiku (Seisen haiku-sen).

Kyoshi, notably, performed propagandistic activities not only in Japan but also in its then-colonies. In Korea, during a party held by the Japanese Intelligence Bureau, Kyoshi gave a speech in which he said, “The people of the Korean peninsula have had only weak minds from days of yore. As such, it is merciful to teach them Japaneseness and the awareness that they are Japanese, not Korean. Haiku is a good way to do it” (“Man-chô yûki,” 72). Clearly, Kyoshi’s notion was imperialistic, colonialist, and racially discriminatory.

The examples of Holy War Haiku shown below are representative, and cannot be described as artistic. In January, 1938, Kyoshi chose the haiku below as a “best exemplar” of Holy War haiku:

 

みいくさは酷寒の野をおほひ征く         長谷川 素逝 2

miikusa wa kokkan no no o ôi yuku                            Hasegawa Sosei (1907-1946)

 

The Holy War overwhelms

and progresses through

the violently cold field

 

 

One page four of the preface to The Selected Holy War Haiku, Kyoshi recommends this above haiku and offers a comment: “The warrior, who faces and overpowers enemies, even if they be demons and devils, has the Japanese feeling of respect for seasons and nature. This is the pride of the Japanese samurai.” Indeed, Kyoshi regarded himself as a samurai, and wrote the following haiku:

 

日の本の武士われや時宗忌                   高浜 虚子

hinomoto no mononohu ware ya tokimune ki                         Takahama Kyoshi

 

I am a samurai

of Japan –

the anniversary of Regent Tokimune

 

 

Regent Tokimune (1251-84) was the commanding general (in effect acting Shogun, also known as Shogun Tokimune) who waged war against the invading Mongolian army of Kublai Kahn in 1274 and again in 1281. Both attempted invasions ultimately failed due to timely typhoons, hence Regent Tokimune has become an emblematic hero of wars fought against foreign armies. The word kamikaze (the wind of the gods, or “divine wind”) and folk beliefs such as “the kamikaze defends Japan from foreign armies” and, “Japan can never be defeated, due to the defensive power of kamikaze,” were born in this medieval era. In his haiku, Kyoshi identifies himself with this singular, semi-divine historical hero.

Shûôshi’s Holy War Haiku were more overtly nationalistic than those of Kyoshi. In his book, The Collected Holy War Haiku, Shûôshi writes,

 

In this Great Asia War, the attitudes of the enemy countries, in short, America, Britain, and other countries, are tremendously evil. In order to destroy such evil, our nation has arisen. From the very beginning of the war, our Imperial Army has severely damaged our enemies and incapacitated them. Yet you, the Japanese home-front citizens, should continue to unite your hearts with our Imperial Army to exterminate the evil (161).

 

When the Japanese Army conquered Singapore, Shûôshi penned this haiku:

 

春の雪天地を浄め敵滅ぶ                 水原 秋桜子

haru no yuki tenchi o kiyome teki horobu                    Mizuhara Shûôshi

 

spring snow

purifies earth and heaven –

our enemies perish

 

 

The haiku below were published in 1940 by Shûôshi and Usuda Arô:

 

建国祭敵塁くづれ燃えに燃え             水原 秋桜子

kenkokusai tekirui kuzure moe ni moe                         Mizuhara Shûôshi

 

National Foundation Festival –

the enemy base falling

burns and burns

 

 

皇紀二千六百年の天の声                臼田 亜浪

kôki nisen roppyakunen no ten no koe                        Usuda Arô

 

Divine voice of heaven –

Divine Imperial Calendar 2600

 

Holy War Haiku tend to use technical terms related to the Imperial Order. National Foundation Day (kenkoku sai) in Shûôshi’s haiku above, is a national festival celebrating the First Emperor of Japan: the descent of the god (Jinmu Emperor) to the earth, believed to be February 11, 660 BCE. From the divine year of the arrival of the First Emperor, exactly 2,600 years had passed to the date of 1940 CE. Arô expressed this fact in his second line, above (kôki nisen roppyaku nen). National Foundation Day of 1940 was a huge festival, accompanied by parade music composed by the German composer Richard Strauss (1864-1949) and Italian composer Ildebrando Pizzetti (1880-1968), both deemed “authorized” composers by the Nazi Party and the Fascist Party (c.f. Shôwa: Nimannichi, vol 6). Although Holy War Haiku were inartistic, such haiku were written and published in uncountable numbers at the time.

In this atmosphere of war fanaticism and a controlled society existing under a fascist‑Imperial government, the New Rising Haiku poets wrote haiku with acuity, cruelty, strangeness and absurdity when addressing the topic of the war. They even expressed compassion with enemies. At the time, “non‑patriotic” (hi-kokumin) meant non-citizen, and writing haiku without kigo meant rebellion against the Japanese Imperial tradition. Even so, the New Rising Haiku poets expressed their own passions.3 The contrasts with Holy War Haiku can be easily discerned:

 

機関銃眉間ニ殺ス花ガ咲ク                   西東三鬼

kikanjuu miken ni korosu hana ga saku                                 Saitô Sanki

 

a machine gun

in the forehead

the killing flower blooms

 

 

戦死者が青き数学より出たり                  杉村聖林子

sennsisha ga aoki suugaku yori detari                                   Sumimura Seirinshi

 

war dead

exit out of a blue mathematics

 

 

枯れし木を離れ枯れし木として撃たれ          杉村聖林子

tareshi ki o hanare kareshi ki toshite utare                             Sugimura Seirinshi

 

leaving a dead tree

being shot as a dead tree

 

 

埋めてゐて敵なることを忘れゐたり            波止影夫

umete ite teki naru koto o wasure itari                                    Hashi Kageo

 

during burial:

this is the enemy,

forgetting

 

 

To oppose such “non-patriotic” haiku as those above, in 1939 Kyoshi himself censored the comprehensive haiku anthology Haiku Sandaishû (The Haiku Trilogy), forcing the publisher to exclude the works of the New Rising Haiku poets (Furukara, 391-396; Hirahata, 58).

Finally, in 1940, the wholesale arrests began. The beginning of this persecution came through the betrayal of informers. Particularly from Hototogisu haiku poets, and especially Ono Bushi himself, who directly informed the Secret Police concerning the activities of the New Rising Haiku poets. The Secret Police set out the reasons for the arrests in an internal document, the Tokkô Geppô (the monthly record of Secret Police activities). The document for 1940, February, reads in part:

 

The magazine Kyôdai Haiku was founded by Lecturing Professor of Kansai University Inoue Hakubunji and a dozen other haiku poets in the eighth year of the Shôwa Emperor’s reign [1933], January. This magazine and the group opposed traditional haiku and insisted on haku without kigo and free-rhythm as the so-called New Rising Haiku. Advocating liberalism, they continued the publication of such haiku magazines. They attempted to inform readers about the validity of Communism through haiku based on “proletariat realism.” Asserting the protection of all classes and cultures, they struggled to promote anti-traditional haiku, anti-capitalism, and anti‑fascism movements. Furthermore, since the start of this Japan-China war, they have made an effort to publish haiku that are anti-war. They have attempted to attain their aims through such anti-war haiku (Tokkô Geppô: Shôwa 14 February 5).

 

The phrase “proletariat realism” was taken from the 1927 Comintern Thesis for Japan, which advocated the abolition of the Japanese Imperial regime. The Secret Police purposely linked this fairly‑forgotten terminological footnote of history with the fact that the New Rising Haiku poets wrote haiku on social life, in order to aggravate the appearance of offence—a violent misinterpretation, particularly as at the time none of the editors of Kyôdai Haiku were members of the Communist party (although some associated with the magazine had a strong sympathies with communism).4 Even had the haiku poets in question been the members of the party, the 1927 Comintern Thesis had been revised and replaced by the 1932 Comintern Thesis, with the slogan “proletariat realism” removed as outdated—eight years before the above‑quoted depiction had been written (Matsuo, 119-22, 146-47).

The Secret Police had the power to execute the haiku poets out of hand,5 but they took instead the tactical approach of the false written confession and “haiku anatomy,” as mentioned. Following the confession and “haiku anatomy,” and usually after a year or more of imprisonment, the Secret Police often sent the prisoner‑poet to the front lines of the war. Likely, this tactic had as an aim the avoidance of martyrdom via execution. Even if one were not sent to the front, haiku poets (and other progressive artists, liberal thinkers, religious and ethnic groups, minority populations, etc.) were imprisoned in filthy jails and were tortured. If let out of prison, the poets were put under Secret Police surveillance as thought criminals—plainclothes officers followed them at all times. If the individual under surveillance performed some “suspicious” act, the Secret Police re-arrested them, and once again torture ensued. Those under suspicion were also socially ostracized. It was not uncommon for entire families, including wives and children, to cut off all contact, and there are cases not only of divorce but also of family homocide/suicide (it remains unclear to what extent the Secret Police were complicit in these matters). Via such tactics, the Secret Police succeeded in producing many “converted” (tenkô) persons who became admirers of Japanese Imperial‑fascism.

Due to the persecution of Kyôdai Haiku, a great deal of fear arose among the New Rising Haiku community. Using this fear, Ono Bushi blackmailed a number of haiku groups and forced them to cease publication, as well as informing on them to the Secret Police. For example, the New Rising Haiku magazines Kikan and Amanogawa were terminated by Ono Bushi. Furthermore, in 1940 he founded the fascistic haiku organization, “The Japan Haiku Poet Society (Nihon haiku sakka kyôkai)” as a branch of the Intelligence Bureau. Kyoshi became the Chairperson of this organization, which not only promoted propaganda haiku but also sold thousands of pieces of tanzaku (a reed-shaped paper with a haiku written on it) and donated the collected money to the army and navy. The tanzaku of Kyoshi sold for a particularly high price: according to the official record in the 1942 Haiku Almanac, the donation was 6098.64 yen (Nihon bungaku hôkoku kai [JPLO], Haiku nenkan: Shôwa 17, 349). At the time, a pack of tobacco was 0.1 yen. By simple arithmetic, the donation would be worth approximately 18,295,920 yen, or some $175,000.00 USD today. The traditional-haiku poets’ tanzaku were changed into money, and then into bullets. This example is only the tip of the iceberg; many additional activities are worth relating, however space does not permit a fuller recounting.

In 1942, The JLPO (Japanese Literary Patriotic Organization; Nihon bungaku hôkoku kai) was founded, and affiliated the above-mentioned Japan Haiku Poet Society to it. The JLPO was quite deeply connected with the Imperial government and the Intelligence Bureau. In the JLPO’s foundation ceremony, Prime Minister Tôjô Hideki (1884-1948) and the President of the Intelligence Bureau gave congratulatory speeches. The foundation statement of the JLPO was: “We all, Japanese men of letters, should, by doing everything in our power, hereby establish a Japanese literature which embodies the Imperial tradition and ideals. We should praise and enhance Imperial culture. This is the aim of this Organization” (Tajima, 211). The President of the Haiku Department of the JLPO was, as mentioned, Kyoshi.

Also in 1942, the JLPO held the First Great Asia Writers Conference (daitô-a bungakusha taikai) in Tokyo. This conference consisted of the writers of Japan and its colonies and puppet-states: Manchuria, Korea, Taiwan, the Republic of China (Nanjing Government), and the Mongol Border Land (Mengjiang Government). Before the conference, the JLPO forced the writers of the colonies to go to the Meiji Shrine, the Yasukuni Shrine (the shrine now housing war criminals, which to the present annually causes consternation when officials present offerings there), and the Imperial Palace of Japan, as “a welcome tour” of the conference (Shôwa: Nimannichi, vol 6, 196-99). The route of the “welcome tour” was quite similar in style and intention to the welcome tour given the Hitler Youth in 1938 (Shôwa: Nimannichi, vol 5, 100‑02). At these places, the JLPO compelled the writers of the colonies to worship then-Emperor Hirohito, the divine soul of Meiji Emperor Mutsuhito, and the war dead of Yasukuni Shrine. The conference ceremony involved huge displays (as with the Hitler Youth rally). At the opening ceremony Kyoshi read his haiku for the conference as President of the Haiku Department of the JLPO (Shinbun Shûsei, vol 16, 460-61).

In 1943, the Second Great Asia Writers Conference was again held in Tokyo. In this same year Ono Bushi died due to illness, however the JLPO continued to control literary persons and societies. The JLPO committed drastic acts of censorship, for instance stopping the distribution of pen and paper to non‑patriotic writers, literally allowing pen and paper only for “the authorized writers.” In 1944, a Third Conference was held in Nanjing (cf. Bungaku Hôkoku). The JLPO demonstrated its great power and influence, both domestically and internationally. Few writers resisted the JLPO. On the contrary, many writers “voluntary” obeyed the dictates of this fascist-authoritarian organization.

The New Rising Haiku poets however retained their determined spirit. Even without pen and paper, even while imprisoned, they remained haiku poets. For example, in his prison cell, Higashi Kyôzô wrote haiku using a small piece of chalk, which he erased over and over again. Later, remembering 172 of the haiku he had written while in jail, these were published after the war. Upon the publication of this book, he changed his name to Akimoto Fujio. The Chinese characters of his name 不死男 (Fujio) mean, “an undying man.” In the haiku book entitled Kobu (A Lump), he writes: “During wartime, many people were inflicted with wounds. The wound I received, which was inflicted by the Haiku Persecution Incident, was merely ‘a lump.’ Even though it was but ‘a lump,’ I will never forget its pain” (Akimoto, 62).

Indeed, “the pain of the lump” embodied very difficult travails. While the spirit of these haiku poets was not extinguished, there was grievous suffering. The following two stories are representative: Inoue Hakubunji was sent to the frontline of the war when he was 42 years old. He was later captured by the Soviet Union army and never returned. Nichi Eibô, a skillful Russian interpreter and radio-wave engineer was captured by the Soviet Union’s GPU and sent to Siberia. He survived the Siberian gulag and torture. In 1950, when he arrived back in Japan, he was arrested by the CIA under suspicion of being a spy, due to his excellent Russian. In addition, he had given one of the infamous false confessions “admitting” he was a Communist, and this likewise caused suspicion, particularly given the period: 1950 was the start of the Cold War in Asia. In 1949, Mao Zedong’s Chinese Communist Party had gained power and founded the People’s Republic of China, while Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist Party of China (Kuomintang) and the Republic of China had decamped to Taiwan. Also in 1950, the Korean War broke out. It was on account of this strained political climate that Nichi Eibô was suspected. He was sent to the CIA offices of Kobe and Ashiya, given polygraph tests, and put under CIA surveillance until 1951 (c.f. Kosakai, 190-212).

Social hardships continued with the defeat of Japan on August 15, 1945. Emperor Hirohito pronounced the defeat on the radio at noon that day, and the democratization of the Japanese government began. The Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers (SCAP) disbanded various government organizations: the Ministry of War, the Secret Police, the plutocracies (zaibatsu), the JLPO, and so on. The Land Reform act was then instituted, allowing farmers and local populations to gain their own lands. In 1946, Emperor Hirohito declared that he was a human being and not a living‑god in “The Humanity Declaration (Ningen-sengen),”6 and according to Article 10 of the Potsdam Declaration, the Tokyo Tribunal of War Criminals was convened.

Even though the SCAP censored certain writings—for example, the publication of Saitô Sanki’s haiku about the atomic bombing of Hiroshima was banned (Kuroki, vol I, 62‑63)—Japanese writers, generally speaking, gained their freedom of expression, and in 1946 the New Rising Haiku poets founded the New Haiku Poets Association (Shin Haikujin Renmei). The 1947 Haiku Almanac (Ôno Rinka, ed., Haiku-nenkan: Shôwa 22), reveals the atmosphere of the haiku world at the time. Within the Almanac, reflecting upon the prewar era, the New Rising Haiku poet Higashi Kyôzô (Akimoto Fujio) summarizes the group’s original aim:

 

The New Rising Haiku movement was, in short, a movement to recover the adolescence of haiku. . . . In order to break the old and feudal tradition of haiku taste and thought, we hoisted the flag of liberalism and democracy against the exclusionism of the haiku world and the feudalistic master‑disciple system. That is, to create gendai haiku as poetry, we advocated the pure poesy of haiku, not the old hobby taste haiku (305).

 

On the other hand, in the same Almanac, the traditional-conservative haiku poet Usuda Arô states,

 

I sometimes hear mention that the master-disciple system of haiku is bad. However, such a notion is superficial. It may stem from an ignorance of haiku tradition. The outcome of the haiku spirit springs naturally from a great national love, which defines master as master and disciple as disciple. Therefore, this is the core of a “deep-and-high” ethical significance. Do not confuse the noble flowers with newly growing weeds. With my clear, pure, straight, and warm heart, I would like to pull out the stiff roots of the weeds, and throw away these tendrils, in order to comfort the noble flower. I do not lament or become angry without reason. I will remain as an observer, as facts are fact